Arab News

The Gulf Crisis: Southeast Asia Has Seen It All Before

Qatar news, Doha news, Qatari news, Saudi Arabia news, Saudi news, UAE news, Emirati news, United Arab Emirates news, Arab world news, Gulf news

Doha, Qatar © danefromspain

July 01, 2017 12:30 EDT

In Southeast Asia, no country had the ambition or ruthlessness of Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

Two competing visions of ensuring regime survival are battling it out in the Gulf. To Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, the Arab Uprisings of 2011 — which toppled autocratic leaders in four countries and sparked the rise of Islamists — posed a mortal threat. In response, the two countries launched a counterrevolution that, six years later, continues to leave a trail of repression at home and spilt blood elsewhere in the Middle East and North Africa.

Virtually alone in adopting a different tack, based on former Emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani’s principle of “riding the tide of history,” Qatar, a monarchical autocracy like its detractors Saudi Arabia and the UAE, embraced the revolts and supported the Islamists. The result is an epic battle for the future of the Middle East that, in the short term, has escalated the violence, deepened the region’s fissures and put the tiny Gulf state at odds with its larger brethren.


Ironically, an analysis of political transition in Southeast Asia during the last three decades would likely prove instructive for leaders in the Gulf. At the core of people power and change were militaries or factions of militaries in the Philippines, Indonesia and Myanmar that saw political change as their best guarantee of holding onto significant powers and protecting their vested interests. In the Philippines and Indonesia, factions of the military partnered with civil society to show the door to the country’s autocrat. In Myanmar, internationally isolated, the military as such opted to ensure its survival as a powerful player by initiating the process of change.

Sheikh Hamad and his son and successor, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, have adopted the principle set by Southeast Asian militaries and their civil society partners with one self-defeating difference: a belief that, by supporting political change everywhere else, they can retain their absolute grip on power at home. In fact, if there is one fundamental message in the Saudi-Emirati-led diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar, it is the recognition of the two countries’ ruling elites that they either thwart change at whatever cost or go with the flow. There are no half-measures.

There is, however, another lesson of history to be learned from the Southeast Asian experience: change is inevitable. Equally inevitable is the fact that unavoidable economic change and upgrading rather than reform of autocracy — like Saudi Arabia is attempting with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in the driver’s seat — has a limited shelf life without political change.

Gulf autocrats marvel at China’s ability to achieve phenomenal economic growth while tightening the political reigns. It’s a model that is proving increasingly difficult to sustain as Beijing witnesses an economic downturn, a failure to economically squash popular aspirations, and question marks about massive infrastructure investment across Eurasia that has yet to deliver sustainable results and has sparked debt traps and protest across the region.

The Southeast Asian lesson is that political change does not by definition disempower political elites. In fact, those elites have retained significant power in the Philippines, Indonesia and Myanmar despite radical reform of political systems. That is true even with the rise for the first time of leaders in Indonesia and the Philippines who do not hail from the ruling class or with the ascendancy to power in Myanmar of Aung San Suu Kyi, a long-persecuted daughter of the ruling elite, who has refrained from challenging the elite since winning the election.

The bottom line is that ruling elites are more likely to ensure a continued grip on power by going with the flow and embracing political change than by adopting the Saudi-Emirati approach of imposing one’s will by hook or by crook, or the Qatari model of playing ostrich with its head in the sand. The Qatari model risks the ruling al-Thani family being taken by surprise when an inevitably reinvigorated wave of change comes knocking on Doha’s door.

More ominous are the risks involved in the Saudi-Emirati approach. This has already put the two states in a bind as they struggled to formulate demands that stood a chance of garnering international support. Even more dangerous is the risk that the hard line adopted by Saudi Arabia and the UAE will fuel extremism and political violence in an environment starved of any opportunity to voice dissent.

The lessons of Southeast Asia are relevant for many more than just the countries battling it out in the Gulf. International support for political transition in Southeast Asia produced a relatively stable region of 600 million people despite its militant elements in the southern Philippines and Indonesia, jihadist appeal to some elsewhere in the region, religious and ethnic tensions in southern Thailand and Myanmar, and deep-seated differences over how to respond to Chinese territorial ambitions in the South China Sea.

That support also ensured that the process of change in Southeast Asia proved to be relatively smooth and ultimately sustainable unlike the Middle East, where it is tearing countries apart, dislocating millions and causing wounds that will take generations to heal.

To be sure, Southeast Asia benefited from the fact that no country in the region has the ambition or ruthlessness of either Saudi Arabia or the UAE. Southeast Asia also had the benefit of an international community that saw virtue in change rather than in attempting to maintain stability by supporting autocratic regimes whose policies are increasingly difficult to justify and potentially constitute a driver of radicalization, irrespective of whether they support extremist groups.

George W. Bush adopted that lesson in the wake of 9/11, only to squander his opportunity with ill-fated military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, a flawed War on Terrorism and a poorly-executed democracy initiative. The lesson has since been lost with the rise of populism and narrow-minded nationalism and isolationism.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.

Photo Credit: danefromspain

Support Fair Observer

We rely on your support for our independence, diversity and quality.

For more than 10 years, Fair Observer has been free, fair and independent. No billionaire owns us, no advertisers control us. We are a reader-supported nonprofit. Unlike many other publications, we keep our content free for readers regardless of where they live or whether they can afford to pay. We have no paywalls and no ads.

In the post-truth era of fake news, echo chambers and filter bubbles, we publish a plurality of perspectives from around the world. Anyone can publish with us, but everyone goes through a rigorous editorial process. So, you get fact-checked, well-reasoned content instead of noise.

We publish 2,500+ voices from 90+ countries. We also conduct education and training programs on subjects ranging from digital media and journalism to writing and critical thinking. This doesn’t come cheap. Servers, editors, trainers and web developers cost money.
Please consider supporting us on a regular basis as a recurring donor or a sustaining member.

Will you support FO’s journalism?

We rely on your support for our independence, diversity and quality.

Donation Cycle

Donation Amount

The IRS recognizes Fair Observer as a section 501(c)(3) registered public charity (EIN: 46-4070943), enabling you to claim a tax deduction.

Make Sense of the World

Unique Insights from 2,500+ Contributors in 90+ Countries

Support Fair Observer

Support Fair Observer by becoming a sustaining member

Become a Member