’s offensive has shifted the Central Asian playing field on which , India and the United States compete with rival infrastructure-driven approaches. At first glance, a Taliban takeover of would give a 2:0 advantage against the US and India, but that could prove to be a shaky head start.
The fall of the US-backedgovernment led by President Ashraf Ghani will shelve if not kill Indian support for the Iranian port of Chabahar, which was intended to facilitate Indian trade with and Central Asia. Chabahar was also viewed by India as a counterweight to the Chinese-supported Pakistani port of Gwadar, a crown jewel of Beijing’s transportation, telecommunications and energy-driven Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
The Hazaras of Afghanistan Face a Threat to Survival
The United States facilitated Indian investment in Chabahar by exempting the port from harsh sanctions against Iran. The exemption was intended to “support the reconstruction and development of .” However, due to stalled negotiations with Iran about a revival of the 2015 nuclear agreement, the US announced in July — together with , Pakistan and Uzbekistan — plans to create a platform that would foster regional trade, business ties and connectivity.
The connectivity end of the plan resembled an effort to cut off one’s nose to spite one’s face. It would have circumvented Iran and weakened Chabahar but potentially strengthened China’s Gwadar alongside the port of Karachi. That has become a moot point with the plans certain to be shelved as the Taliban take overand form a government that would be denied recognition by at least the democratic parts of the international community.
Like other warm welcome. Yet recognition by Iran, Central Asian states and of a Taliban government is unlikely to be enough to salvage the Chabahar project. “Changed circumstances and alternative connectivity routes are being conjured up by other countries to make Chabahar irrelevant,” an Iranian source told Hard News, a Delhi-based publication.neighbors, neither Pakistan, Uzbekistan nor are likely to join a boycott of the Taliban. On the contrary, last month made a point of giving a visiting Taliban delegation a
militants of the Turkestan Islamic Party (TIP). have positioned themselves as solely concerned with creating an and having no inclination to operate beyond the country’s borders. But they have been consistent in their refusal to expel al-Qaeda, even if the group is a shadow of what it was when it launched the 9/11 attacks in 2001.have sought to reassure , Iran, Uzbekistan and other neighbors that they will not allow to become an operational base for jihadist groups. This includes al-Qaeda and Uighur
The TIP has occasionally issued videos documenting its presence . But it has, by and large, kept a low profile and refrained from attacking Chinese targets or across the border in Xinjiang, the northwestern Chinese province in which authorities have brutally cracked down on ethnic Turkic Uighurs. As a result, the Taliban reassurance was insufficient to stop from repeatedly advising its citizens to leave as soon as possible. “Currently, the security situation has further deteriorated … If Chinese citizens insist on staying , they will face extremely high-security risks, and all the consequences will be borne by themselves,” the Chinese foreign ministry said.
The fallout of the Taliban’s sweep acrossis likely to affect beyond borders, perhaps no more so than in Pakistan, a major focus of Beijing’s single largest BRI-related investment. This has made a target for attacks by militants, primarily Baloch nationalists. In July, nine Chinese nationals were killed in an explosion on a bus transporting Chinese workers to the construction site of a dam in the northern mountains of Pakistan, a region prone to attacks by religious militants. This incident raises the specter of jihadists also targeting . It was the highest loss of life of Chinese citizens in recent years in
The attack occurred amid fears that the Taliban will bolster ultra-conservative religious sentiment in Pakistan that celebrates the group as heroes, whose success enhances the chances for austere religious rule. “Our jihadis will be emboldened. They will say that ‘if America can be beaten, what is the Pakistan army to stand in our way?’” said a senior Pakistani official. Indicating its concern, has delayed the signing of a framework agreement on industrial cooperation, which would have accelerated the implementation of projects that are part of the -Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).
Kamran Bokhari, writing for The Wall Street Journal, explained: “Regime change is a terribly messy process. Weak regimes can be toppled; replacing them is the hard part. It is only a matter of time before the state collapses, unleashing chaos that will spill beyond its borders. All of Afghanistan’s neighbors will be affected to varying degrees, but Pakistan and have the most to lose.”
The demise of Chabahar and/or the targeting by the Taliban of Hazara Shia Muslims could potentially turn Iran into a significant loser too.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.
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