Why Peacekeeping Fails

Peacekeepers are bound to fail if there is no peace to keep.
UN peacekeeping, UN peacekeepers, UN news, UN peacekeeping operations, Polisario Front Sahara, UN Mission Cyprus, UN Mission Lebanon, UN Mission Israel, UN Peacekeeping missions in Africa, United Nations Security Council

Occupied Golan Heights, 02/18/2017 © StockStudio / Shutterstock

July 30, 2019 13:38 EDT

The United Nations was not even three years old when it launched its first peacekeeping mission in 1948. For the last 70 years, it has been continuously involved in such operations, often with mixed results.

Over this time, peacekeeping and the wars to which it has been applied have changed. The challenges peacekeepers face have evolved from ones that were relatively straightforward to assignments that were becoming highly complex. More recently, peacekeepers are facing challenges that are impossible to overcome.

There are currently 14 UN peacekeeping missions employing nearly 100,000 soldiers, police and civilians at an annual cost of $6.5 billion. These missions reflect the three stages of peacekeeping’s evolution. The oldest among them were launched in response to wars between countries over territory. The second stage involved multidimensional operations, in which peacekeepers undertake a wide variety of tasks to help countries recover from civil wars. The most recently launched operations represent the third stage, the protection and stabilization missions. These mandate peacekeepers to protect civilians and aid governments that are threatened by violent extremism — a task where the peacekeepers will not have success.

Wars Over Territory

The six classical peacekeeping operations have logged a combined total of more than three centuries of peacekeeping efforts. Yet none of the six is going to end in the foreseeable future, mainly because that doesn’t serve the interests of some of the permanent members of the UN Security Council: Britain, China, France, Russia and the United States.

The operation in the Western Sahara that began in 1991 is supposed to hold a referendum on independence for the region. Morocco, which claims the territory, will not permit a referendum that would result in independence. The Polisario Front, which represents the freedom movement of the Sahrawi people, will not agree to a referendum that does not grant independence. Because France protects Morocco’s interests, the mission will not end.

In Cyprus, the UN mission began in 1964 and is tasked with getting the Greek and Turkish Cypriots to live together in peace. Britain has military bases on Cyprus, so Britain’s interest is in preserving the status quo. There is little chance for change because the Turkish Cypriot leaders have no desire to be a minority in a united country. They declared their own independent state on the northern end of the island, even though Turkey is the only nation that recognizes it. The Turks also don’t want a united country dominated by Greek Cypriots. And the Russians also see political advantage in making sure that the Cyprus issue remains unresolved. That mission will never end either.

small force has operated in Kashmir for more than 70 years. Since it is supposedly helping to avoid a war between India and Pakistan — two countries with nuclear weapons — no one is ready to terminate that mission, even though what it is accomplishing is unclear.

Classical Peacekeeping

The remaining three classical peacekeeping operations are located in and around Israel. They are the UN Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) in Jerusalem, the UN Disengagement Observer Force (UNDOF) in Syria and the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). A fourth operation, the Multilateral Force and Observers (MFO) is located in the Sinai as a result of the Camp David accords. It is not a UN effort because Russia would have vetoed its establishment, so it was set up independently.

UNTSO, the UN’s first peacekeeping operation, began in 1948. It continues to this day, but makes no visible contribution to peace. UNDOF was created in 1974 after the Yom Kippur War. Because the civil war in Syria has made it unsafe for the peacekeepers, UNDOF can’t carry out its functions. In addition, the Trump administration has proclaimed that “the United States recognizes that the Golan Heights are part of the State of Israel.” Since Israel is never going to withdraw from the Golan, and Syria is never going to give up its demands to recover the area, the peacekeepers will apparently never be able to go home.

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UNIFIL was established in 1978 to ascertain Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, after fighting between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israeli military forces in southern Lebanon. While its 10,000 peacekeepers from 40 countries patrol dozens of times every day, it can’t do anything without the cooperation of the Lebanese government. That government now includes Hezbollah, which controls southern Lebanon. The US considers Hezbollah a terrorist organization. The Israelis believe it is stockpiling tens of thousands of rockets in population centers and digging tunnels under the border, much as Hamas — another US-proclaimed terrorist group — has done in Gaza. Yet when the Israelis pointed out a brick factory that they believed was being used to hide one of the tunnels, the Lebanese government refused to let the UN investigate because the factory was private property.

UNIFIL facilitates communications between the two sides — since they don’t talk to each other — but that does not require thousands of peacekeepers. Perhaps to calm tensions in the region, UNIFIL does have one accomplishment: It has organized yoga lessons.

The MFO came into being in 1981, when Israel withdrew from the Sinai Peninsula. Because of terrorism in northern Sinai, the peacekeepers have now largely withdrawn to the south, far from the border. Meanwhile, the Egyptian and Israeli armies, which the MFO was set up to keep apart, are conducting joint combat operations together against the extremists.

In other words, these operations in the Middle East have no exit strategy. And, like Jared Kushner’s peace plan, none of them is doing anything to encourage a political process that might resolve the conflicts that caused them. They do allow Israel to blame the UN when things go wrong. And, like the Iron Dome missile defense system, they provide the Israelis some relief from thinking about the longer-term implications of their defense strategy and foreign policy.

Since there seems to be nothing that the current American administration will not do to please Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (and Sheldon Adelson, the casino billionaire), the US will ensure these missions will also never end.

Civil Wars

The second type of peacekeeping — multidimensional operations — began as a result of civil wars over political power. Once a ceasefire was established in these conflicts, peacekeepers could be sent in. They were given a long list of goals to help the peace become permanent. The list could include demobilizing most of the former combatants and reintegrating them into civilian life, forming a new national army that was not loyal to only one side, aiding refugees to return to their homes, providing humanitarian aid and development assistance to restart the economy and holding elections in a country with little to no democratic experience.

Given the cost of such operations — thousands of peacekeepers were required for such tasks — there was pressure to achieve all the objectives on a tight schedule. If the elections produced a government with some legitimacy, the peacekeepers could declare success and depart.

While the UN has achieved mixed results in its multidimensional missions, they are, at least for the moment, largely a thing of the past. Of the current missions, only two are multidimensional. Actually, it would be more accurate to call them unidimensional because their objectives have been drastically reduced over the years. Today they are small operations limited to attempting to professionalize the police in Kosovo and in Haiti (as well as carry out judicial reforms there). Yet Russia won’t let the UN close the mission in Kosovo.

Dealing With Terrorism

The remaining six operations are all in sub-Saharan Africa. They represent the third stage of the evolution of peacekeeping — the protection and stabilization missions. They are the most dangerous and difficult operations where peacekeeping will inevitably fail.

At the risk of being tautological, peacekeepers are bound to fail if there is no peace to keep. When a ceasefire is negotiated, peacekeepers can potentially do their work. Without one, they are either ineffective or they have to take on a combat role. That requires the international community — the UN Security Council — to let peacekeepers inflict and take casualties.

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To make matters much worse, the five countries where these protection and stabilization missions are taking place — Mali, South Sudan, Sudan, the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of Congo — have governments that are among the most corrupt, repressive and incompetent in the world. These countries are therefore not particularly interested in protecting their own citizens. Their armies and police exist mainly to protect the regime in power.

The wealthy nations with the most capable armies are unwilling to provide a significant number of troops for this type of peacekeeping. So it is left largely to poorly equipped and inadequately trained soldiers from developing nations who are not going to defeat violent extremism. If the US cannot prevail against violent extremists in Afghanistan after 18 years of trying, there is no chance that the peacekeepers can do so in Africa.

This third category of missions has become a way for rich countries to send the soldiers from poor countries to deal with conflicts that the rich countries don’t care all that much about. The fundamental problem is that there is no peace to keep, and the UN forces will never be capable of imposing one, because peacekeepers are not warfighters.

Peacekeeping is a bandage, not a cure. At best, it stanches the bleeding, but it cannot heal the wound. To use it any other way is to ensure its failure.

*[A version of this article was originally published on PassBlue.]

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.

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